Tuesday, January 26, 2010

Searching for Rev. Gen-Jun 'Joseph' Lu


Captured by Chinese Communists:
Searching for the Rev. Fr. Gen-Jun 'Joseph' Lu


By Theresa Marie Moreau
First Published in The Remnant, October 2006


When the Rev. Gen-Jun “Joseph” Lu answered his ringing cell phone one day last February (in 2006), the voice on the other end – a fellow underground Roman Catholic priest: his comrade in the Church Militant – made a simple request. “I’ve just purchased my train ticket. I’ll be arriving in Baoding tomorrow, and I’d like to talk to you. If you’re able, would you, please, meet me at the railway station?”
“Yes, of course.”
Of course, he would meet the priest. It was Lu’s duty. After all, the 43-year-old is, or was at that time, the administrative leader of the Roman Catholic Church in the Diocese of Baoding – an ancient city with a vast legion of underground Catholics faithful to the Pope, an ancient city just biding its time in the Communist-infested People’s Republic of China.
Lu ended the call and then recruited another underground priest, the 39-year-old Rev. Yan-Li Guo, to go along for the stop-and-go bus ride the next day, Friday, February 17. Destination: the Baoding Train Station, the city’s four-track whistle stop along the Beijing-Guangzhou Railway Line.
Baoding, settled on the flat tundra of the North China Plain, I’m told, is a buzzing metropolis, home to around 1 million residents. Not only does it have bragging rights to some of the most spectacular views of the Taihang Mountains to the west, but it also lays claim to fame for its ancient Lily Pond, an oasis of tranquility smack dab in the middle of the urban hubbub, but, unfortunately, it must also acknowledge kinship to the fetid waters of the polluted Daqing River, a narrow waterway that barely trickles (more like dribbles) in its near-dry journey.
The next day, before heading to the station, Lu and Guo grabbed their coats to insulate against February’s teeth-chattering temperatures, then rushed out the door and onto the streets of Baoding, where, in the winter, pedestrians often walk through swirls of ancient brown sands blown from the deserts of Mongolia during frequent and familiar dust storms.
It was just to be an ordinary trip to the train station on an ordinary winter’s day. But in Communist China, nothing is ordinary.
As is customary, to make ample room for cars, cyclists and the occasional donkey cart passing through, Lu and Guo hugged close to the buildings as they walked down the narrow residential byway. But before the men even made it to the bus stop, a car speeding down the lane screeched to a halt, nearly hitting them. The doors popped open, and several men, shouting and screaming, scrambled out and headed for the two.
Fueled with adrenalin, the priests ran.
But it was a short chase. In a matter of seconds, the men from the car – who turned out to be plainclothes police officers from the government’s Public Security Bureau – captured the two priests, who peacefully retreated to the waiting unmarked cop car, which drove off, parting the sea of bicycles rolling along the streets in front of them.
Sometime later, after their arrival at the police station, authorities separated Lu and Guo. Lu was taken into one direction, Guo another.
“That was the last time I saw Father Lu,” Guo reported to his faithful after his release a few days later. Authorities had tossed Guo, who had no previous arrest record, into a cold, cramped cell in Xushui County Detention Center.
The men were vigilant. They were cautious. Caution is a way of life for them. All this was explained to me by an anonymous source, a member of the underground Church in China, someone whose identity must remain secret for security reasons.
Underground priests must always follow caution. Unlike China’s aboveground “priests,” who get to strut around in religious garb because they register with the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association – the secular religious organization controlled and manipulated by the Communist government – Lu and Guo must wear non-religious, modern, street clothing to blend in with the crowd. No Roman collar. No black. No crucifix.
Also, underground priests shouldn’t bed down in any one place for too long before moving onto the next. They rely on the kindness of the community of underground Church faithful for lodging, food, and often safety and protection. Cell phone numbers, too, must be changed with frequency.
And underground priests, when out in public, must always scan their surroundings for anyone suspiciously loitering around, anyone who looks unfamiliar, anyone who stares at their faces to get a good description for authorities.
Bordering on paranoia? Maybe. Ridiculous? Not really. Necessary? Yes. We’re talking Communist spies in a nation where it pays – money and merit – to gather information and pass it along to authorities.
As for Lu, where officials took him on February 17 and where he is currently, no one knows.
“I don’t know where Father Lu is at this time,” said Ming-Chuan “Joseph” Kung, president of the Connecticut-based Cardinal Kung Foundation, which is an advocate for the persecuted underground Roman Catholic Church in China.
“We do not know why Father Lu and Father Guo were arrested,” Kung added. “There was never an official charge, but we can speculate that it was because they were working for the underground Church.”
Kung’s foundation was named in honor of his now-deceased uncle, Cardinal Pin-Mei “Ignatius” Kung, the bishop of Shanghai and apostolic administrator of Nanking and Foochow. In life, the cardinal stood as the symbol of the Roman Catholics in China and endured more than 32 years in prison for his faith and for his refusal to deny the authority of the Pope. He died on March 12, 2000 at the age of 98, in the United States, exiled from the land of his birth.
As for the visiting priest (whose identity must not be revealed, again for security reasons) who Lu and Guo were on their way to meet, he arrived at the railway station. He waited. No one met him. He continued to wait. No one walked up to him to greet him. He waited for almost two hours at the station for someone to pick him up. Finally, he gave up and left.
Something must be wrong, he thought. Being a member of the underground Church, he knew something serious had happened.
Such is the life of an underground priest.
Religious and personal freedom for the people of China began to disintegrate back in 1949 (after the end of the three-year Chinese Nationalist-Communist Civil War that followed in the wake of World War II), when the Communists defeated the Kuomintang – the Chinese Nationalist Party that fled to Taiwan.
Since then, being patriotic in China has meant being a revolutionary. Disdainful of anything that smacks of the democratic West, xenophobic Communists — the single-party power — condemn and declare those faithful to the Bishop of Rome as counter-revolutionaries, political enemies who form a subversive organization, an illegal society using the cloak of religion to cover their “treasonous” deeds.
As early as 1949, in an attempt to break with the Holy See, the People’s Republic of China established the Three-Self Reform Movement, so-called for its aim to be Self-governing, Self-supporting and Self-propagating. Relations between the Vatican and China first froze and then officially broke in 1951 after the Communists kicked out apostolic nuncio Archbishop Antonio Riberi. For the next couple years, they rounded up and expelled all foreign-born clergy and religious. Next, they began arresting and imprisoning Chinese priests and religious. Then the laity.
It wasn’t long before the Three-Self Reform Movement was replaced by and integrated into the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association, officially founded on July 15, 1957.
Notice the nomenclature: the Chinese—not Roman—Catholic Patriotic Association. Even though the association’s Communist-approved and Communist-regulated churches may look Catholic, even though the priests may wear Roman collars, even though a portrait of the Pope may hang on the walls and even though the Mass may have the same rites and rubrics, this pseudo-religious club is not Roman Catholic. This is a non-Catholic catholicism, a la Communist style – with allegiance to the regime, not the Vicar of Christ.
The raison d’être of this ideology-pushing association is pretty much spelled out in Article 2 of “Work Regulations for the Catholic Patriotic Association,” a document the Communists put together a few years ago.
“The purpose of the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association is: to support the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, to raise high the flag of love of country and love of the church…to unswervingly implement the principle of the independent administration of the church, to jointly manage church affairs in conjunction with church affairs organizations, to carry out a democratic running of the church, and to conscientiously promote the adaptation of the Catholic Church to socialist society.”
Not much in there about Rome.
Since 1957, priests and bishops who refuse to register with the Patriotic Association – because doing so, by the very act, denies the authority of the Pope – and those who offer Mass and the sacraments to the faithful are declared to be setting up illegal organizations and conducting illegal, counter-revolutionary activities.
These actions violate the nation’s Constitution, specifically Article 28, which decrees: “The state maintains public order and suppresses treasonable and other counter-revolutionary activities; it penalizes actions that endanger public security and disrupt the socialist economy and other criminal activities, and punishes and reforms criminals.”
Religion bashing really picked up warp speed during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-76), when all religious activities were banned and labeled evil cults.
In its “Report Analyzing Seven Secret Chinese Government Documents,” issued February 11, 2002, the Center for Religious Freedom explained that the word “cult,” as used in most Chinese government documents, “refers to religious groups that are organized but do not register with the Religious Affairs Bureau of the state, nor would they join the Three-Self Patriotic Movement. It is used in a political sense, not religious sense.”
Most Catholic churches in the PRC were destroyed during that Chinese Reign of Terror, which began its spin out of control in 1966 when the government’s Central Committee instituted a purge of enemies believed to be opposed to the ideological revolution. This involved the Red Guards (students and youths given carte rouge to wreak mayhem on those who opposed the “revolution”) conducting on-the-spot inspections, nighttime raids in homes, and public executions of so-called counter-revolutionaries, actions reportedly incited by Communist Party Chairman Tse-Tung Mao. Even the police feared the Red Guards, who obeyed no laws but their own.
For 10 years, until Mao’s death at the age of 82 on September 9, 1976, the purge continued at his urging. Political scientist Rudolph Joseph Rummel labeled Mao the bloodiest dictator of all time. Mao’s attributed death toll, not by his hand, but by his order, is 77 million.
This mind-numbing, almost incomprehensible number nearly dwarfs the 43 million Rummel attributed to General Secretary Joseph Stalin, of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the 21 million attributed to Herr Führer Adolf Hitler of Germany.
In Western and Eastern Europe, the mass killings may have stopped. And in China, the purge may have slowed down greatly, but it continues, especially against those who want the freedom to practice their religion.
Even though the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, specifically Article 36, guarantees “freedom of religious belief,” this does not mean freedom of religion. Anyone and everyone who wants to practice their Roman Catholic faith must register with the Patriotic Association that oversees, regulates, and approves or denies all goings-on in the government-sanctioned churches, for “religious bodies and religious affairs are not subject to any foreign domination.”
For the Communists, “religious freedom” means only one thing when it refers to Roman Catholicism. It means freedom from the authority of the Pope, which means independence from the Pope, which means – it’s not Roman Catholic. But for some reason, the Holy See has never officially declared the church in China schismatic.
Freedom of religion in China? No such thing. Yet, despite the suppression, the persecution, the constant threat of arrest, detainment, interrogation, imprisonment, forced labor, beatings, torture, even death to those faithful to the Pope and to those who refuse to register with the Patriotic Association, the Roman Catholic Church has not only continued to survive, it flourishes. In 1949, the Catholic Church in China had around 3.5 million faithful. Now, the estimate is more than 10 million.
One of the most fruitful vines that grows and grows is planted in Hebei Province, which is believed to have the largest concentration (about one-fourth of the overall Catholic population) of underground Catholics in China, despite being so close to Beijing, the fire-breathing Red Dragon behind Communist China’s Bamboo Curtain.
To the northeast, about 90 miles from Baoding, sits Beijing, the capital of China, the political seat of power for the Communist Party. Ironically, a map with boundary demarcations shows that the red outline of Beijing eerily resembles the unmistakable head of a dragon, with its mouth and eyes pointed directly toward the city of Baoding.
Why does Beijing attempt to force its atheistic will upon Roman Catholics?
Speculation rests on the argument that the Communists want to have the underground Church clutched tightly in their five-starred fists before establishing diplomatic relations with the Vatican.
According to “Document 26” issued by the Secretariat of Party Central on August 17, 1999, “The normalization of China-Vatican relations offers a beneficial opportunity to solve the problem of the underground Catholic forces. If we can use this opportunity…to win the majority of the underground Catholic forces over to our side, to convert them, then a key link in Party Central’s strategic plan will be realized…The plan is: Positively struggle, treating each case differently, to convert the majority and to isolate the minority…making the leading authority in our country’s Catholic Church to be always in the hands of the patriotic forces. Distinguish the different circumstances of each underground bishop and priest, and deal with them accordingly.”
Long-term mission: Force the unofficial, illegal, underground Church into the official, legal, aboveground church.
Short-term mission: Behead the dioceses. Without shepherds, the sheep shall perish.
An immediate, close-range target: Lu.
Born on October 14, 1962, the son of a farmer, Lu was raised in a rural area in Dingxian, a county village about 45 miles south of Baoding. After he finished high school, he sought direction in life – and a little bit of pocket money – so he enlisted in the Communist army, the so-called People’s Liberation Army and joined the medical staff as a physician’s assistant.
But at night, Lu had a secret life.
In the dormitory, while his fellow soldiers slept in their beds around him, he lay in his own with a set of headphones clamped tightly over his ears. With one finger on the dial of his radio, he switched back and forth, listening to several talk radio stations. His favorites: the ones with Bible readings.
However, there was one problem with Lu’s nighttime pastime. It was highly illegal activity; PLA soldiers must be atheists. But the threat of danger did not wilt his blossoming desire for a spiritual life. After his short stint in the army, as soon as he was discharged, he practically ran to the underground seminary in his home district, to meet with its priests, with whom, my anonymous source tells me, he became fast friends,
In May 1989, Lu received the sacrament of holy orders. Forget the pomp, forget the circumstance. This is ordination, underground style. Nothing fancy. Not long after Lu’s ordination, he was called upon to lead the faithful in the Baoding Diocese.
For on October 8, 1997, Communist authorities with the Public Security Bureau hunted down and arrested the head of Lu’s diocese, Bishop Zhi-Ming “Jacobus” Su, who, in April 1996, had escaped a two-month-long period of house arrest and had avoided capture until then as he hid, with help from the faithful, in the Xinji County in Hebei Province.
Su has not been officially seen since, and if still alive – which is unknown at this time – he would be 73 years old this year. In 1994, by the time he was 60, he had been arrested no fewer than five times and had already spent almost 25 years in prisons and labor camps.
Such has been the life of underground Bishop Zhi-Ming “Jacobus” Su. Thus, someone had to step up to the altar and take the bishop’s place as alter Christus. That someone: Lu.
Not long ago, shortly before Lu’s abduction in February, three youngish underground priests from Lu’s district were summoned to Beijing to meet with government officials, who wined and dined the priests for a couple weeks (it was rumored), treating them to shopping sprees and lavishing them with trips – all expenses paid – to Shanghai.
But those were just rumors. However, when the three returned from Beijing, they began to offer Mass – publicly. In the underground circles, this is a definite no-no.
Underground priests who refuse to register with the Patriotic Association cannot offer Mass freely in public, unless they want to be arrested. Only those “priests” who register with the official church and receive a permit can do so. That was definitely a clear sign – not just a rumor – that the men had possibly switched teams, moving from the underground Church to the aboveground church.
Righteously peeved, Lu called the men to meet with him and severely castigated them. One by one. You did wrong, he scolded each. You were deceived.
For some, chastisement chafes the pride. Bettors have placed their money on the odds that one, two or even all three of the priests wanted to get even with Lu. And what better way than to leak word back to Beijing officials about their disciplinarian’s VIP status in the underground church.
But it wasn’t as if Beijing didn’t already know about him. And he, them. Lu’s “file,” is pretty thick. Listed below is a power-point history of his illegal religious activity RAP sheet, a chronological record of his arrests and prosecutions, compiled with information culled from Kung’s Web site, www.cardinalkungfoundation.org.
1990. Lu was arrested for the first time and detained for one month. A thin man and not too threatening at 5 feet, 5 inches tall, Lu was tortured. He was beaten. He was handcuffed for 24 hours a day, for many days. His head and face were hit so hard that his lower jaw was seriously injured and his teeth loosened, making chewing food impossible for many days.
May 23, 1994. He was arrested in the village of Shao Jia Zhuang, while administering the sacraments to an elderly priest, the Rev. Bo-Duo “Peter” Xie, who had suffered a stroke. Following the death of Xie a few years later, the government dispatched a registered official “priest” to move in and take control of that church, which the underground faithful had built in the village birthplace of Xie. Lu was released after a short period of detention.
August 29, 1994. Lu was arrested then released the following October 19.
April 5, 1998, Palm Sunday. During preparations for Mass, Lu was arrested and detained for a short time in Dingxian, his home village in Hebei Province. It’s a common practice in China for the government to arrest priests before any of the big holy days, like Christmas and Easter, when the Communists don’t want the Catholics gathering to attend Mass. Their intention: If there are no priests, there can be no Mass.
March 31, 2001. Arrested, in Baoding, a couple weeks before Easter. Lu was almost immediately sentenced to three years, as evidenced by a document, the “Re-education-Through-Labor Decision Statement” issued on April 13, 2001, by the Re-education-Through-Labor Management Committee of the People’s Government of Baoding, in Hebei Province. Kung obtained the rare-to-come-by letter of evidence. “Somehow it came out of China. How I smuggled it out, I cannot tell you,” Kung told me over the telephone. “It’s not how I got it; it’s the fact that I got it and the fact that the court document proves that when you are ordained as an underground priest and start evangelizing, you are subject to three years in a labor camp. It’s proof. We don’t know how many people have been locked up in the labor camps for the same reason.”
The document, which Kung translated from the original Chinese to English, reads: “On March 31, 2001, Lu committed a criminal offense for assembly by creating social disturbance and was detained by the criminal division of the Public Security of Dingzhou City. Lu was previously detained and investigated for assembly and creating social disturbance in June 1990 and July 1994. In April 1998, he served 15 days of administrative detention for assembly and creating social disturbance.
“After investigation, we have found that Lu had committed the following illegal activities:”
Count 1: “Lu went to Qingyuan County to receive theology training in 1986.”
Count 2: “In May 1989, he was ordained a priest.”
Count 3: “Lu’s position as a priest was not recognized by the Hebei Catholic (Patriotic Association) Administrative Committee.”
Count 4: “He has never recognized the Patriotic Association and refused to follow the directives of the Baoding (Patriotic Association) Diocese.”
Count 5: “Since 1998, Lu has many times conducted illegal evangelization activities in Wanghuiton Village Dingzhou City, seriously creating social disturbance.”
Count 6: “Lu, taking advantage of his position as an underground priest, has many times conducted illegal evangelization that created a comparatively big impact.”
His sentence: “Three years of re-education through labor,” in accordance with sections 10 and 13 of the Trial Methods for Implementation of Re-education Through Labor, which states that those people who should be committed to re-education through daily labor training and frequent study (brainwashing) sessions, from one to three years, include counter-revolutionaries, anti-communists or anti-socialists.
Lu was sent to Gaoyang County Labor Camp in Gaoyang, Hebei, which is about 22 miles from the city of Baoding. It is a farm-and-factory combo, where Lu worked as a cook. These re-education-through-labor camps are comparable to the legendary gulags of the former USSR and the concentration camps favored by World War II Nazis.
March 30, 2004. Lu released. But the arrests soon began again.
May 14, 2004. Lu and the Rev. Xiao-Li “Francis” Cheng were arrested in the city of Anguo, in Hebei Province, by government security policemen, while the men prepared to give talks at a Day of Study for local Catholic young married couples on Catholic moral theology and natural family planning from a medical perspective, according to several media reports. But before the doctors arrived and before the meeting even started, the authorities appeared, took the priests into custody and sent away the couples. The priests were arrested for disturbing public order, for the meeting had not been approved by the Religious Affairs Bureau. The two were locked up in the police detention center of Dingzhou, Hebei, and released a few days later on May 18.
Cheng was reportedly ordained an underground priest for the Anguo Diocese, which has not had a bishop since the 1992 death of 80-year-old Bishop Di-Feng Liu. Bishop Liu died – a counter-revolutionary – in Chengde Prison, in north Hebei Province. Before he died, it is believed that he was physically beaten. Catholics who visited him in a hospital as he lay on his deathbed, reported that he was unable to speak and his body revealed visible signs of torture.
Such was the life, and death, of underground Roman Catholic Bishop Di-Feng Liu.
Will such be the life – and death – of the still-missing underground Roman Catholic priest, the Rev. Gen-Jun “Joseph” Lu?
ENDNOTE : All Chinese names have been written in a manner to avoid confusion and to remain consistent with the English standard of writing proper names: given name first, family name last. In Chinese, names are traditionally written with family name first, given name last.
Theresa Marie Moreau can be reached at TMMoreau@yahoo.com.




Father Lu 走近一位中国神父



走近一位中国神父

作者:Theresa Marie Moreau

河北保定:光天化日下的绑架
今年(2006)二月的一天,鹿根军(若瑟)神父的手机响了,这是他的难友和战友,中国罗马天主教(即大陆“地下教会”)的一位神父打来的:“鹿神父,我是李XX,我明天到保定,你能不能到火车站接我一下?”“没问题。”鹿爽快地回答。当然,他必须去接这位神父,这是他的责任。四十三岁的鹿神父当时是保定教区的负责人(注:保定教区的主教们被中共当局逮捕,多年来后生死不明)。
保定是一个古老城市,位于华北平原中心。人们告诉我说,这是一个较大的中等城市,约百万人口。它的西面濒临著名的太行山脚下,市内又有名声遐迩、美丽如画的古园林―― 保定古莲花池,它是身居闹市中的一片宁园。池水与大清河相通。可惜,现在的大清河已今不如昔,河床几近干枯,河水如溪,且散发着被化学品污染的气味。
保定教区天主教徒人数众多,而且坚定地忠于罗马教宗,因此正在遭受中共的残酷迫害。
鹿神父放下电话,他约请另一位同道郭颜利(译音)神父做伴,于第二天,即二月十七日(星期五)准备乘市内公共汽车前往保定火车站。保定车站位于京广线(北京至广州)上,是一个具有六条轨道的大站。当时正值北方的二月,气温使人寒战。这几年,内蒙古的风沙经常侵袭保定,造成沙尘暴或扬尘的天气,困扰着行人。二位神父抓起大衣,急忙出门,走入市内的街道。在冬日去车站接人,这本是再平常不过的事,但是,在中共统治下的中国大陆,即使是平常事也不会平安无事的。因为小街道上时有汽车、自行车,甚至马车通过,二位神父仅靠路边行走。当他们就要到达公共汽车站时,突然有一辆小汽车迎面驶来,嘎然而止,几乎撞上他们。只听一声车门响,跳出几个大汉,呼喊着向他们扑来。说时迟那时快,二位神父本能地撒腿跑开。但是,没跑出几步,片刻间就被这几个大汉抓住。这些人是政府的便衣警察。神父顺从地坐入这辆无牌号的汽车。汽车穿过自行车如潮的街道扬长而去。不一会儿,来到一个公安局派出所。两位神父被分开押往不同的地方。几天后被释放的郭神父对教友们说:“那是我最後一次见到鹿神父。”郭神父过去未曾被捕过,这次被公安当局押入徐水县看守所,隆冬二月,在人满为患的看守所度过了几天,经受了他第一次考验。来自地下教会的一位不愿吐露身份的人士对我说:“地下神父们都很警觉,他们时时处在危险之中,必须小心翼翼,警惕是他们固有的生活方式”。
地上(官方教会)的“神父”们的情况则完全不同,他们可以身着教士的服装,大摇大摆地招摇过市,没有任何恐惧,因为他们已经向「中国天主教爱国会」登记注册。所谓中国天主教爱国会本是由中共建立并受其严格控制和操纵的一个世俗的群众组织。鹿神父和郭神父不属于这个组织,他们不能穿神父的白领黑衣,更不能佩戴基督苦像,他们的服装必须和普通百姓一样,夹杂在街道的人群中,才不易被当局发觉。而且,地下教会的神职人员还必须经常转换住处,不能在一处停留许久。他们依靠地下教会的热心教友为他们提供食宿,并受到教友社区的掩护从事传教工作。他们的手机(行动电话)号码必须经常变化,谨防窃听,以策安全。地下的神父们每当步入公共场合之前,必须审视周围的环境,观察是否有可疑人物或是否有人端详他们以便向当局通报。亲爱的读者,你觉得这种情况是否太离谱,太可笑,不可思议?地下神父是否多此一举?朋友,这完全是冷酷的现实。这是在中共统治下的中国大陆,共产党的密探比比皆是,他们向政府通风报信并领取奖赏。
我们再谈鹿根神父,他是在2006年二月十七日被绑架的,至今杳无音信。位于康州的龚品梅枢机基金会主席龚民权对我说,他不知道鹿神父现在被关押在何处,他还补充说:“我们不晓得鹿神父和郭神父被官方定的罪名是什么,但我们坚信他是为地下教会工作而被捕的”。龚枢机基金会是中国大陆地下天主教会的支持者和代言人。该基金会以龚民权已故的叔父龚品梅(依纳爵)枢机主教命名。龚枢机是上海教区主教并统管南京和苏州教区。他因为坚守信仰、拒绝否认教宗的权威,在中共的监狱中服刑三十二年后,被驱离祖国,于2000年三月十二日在美国康州逝世,享年九十八岁。他是中国罗马天主教会的象征。
约定与鹿神父在保定火车站见面的神父(为安全之故,我们没有得知他的姓名)
他在车站等候大约两小时时间仍不见有人来接,便困惑地离去。同样作为一名地下神父,他感同身受,担心发生了严重的情况。这就是中国地下教会神父生活的写照。
三自革新、爱国会 企图消灭宗教
第二次世界大战后,经过国共两党三年内战,中共打败国民党,国民党逃往台湾,中共于1949年取得政权。于是,中国人民的宗教自由和个人自由开始恶化。从那时起,在中国所谓爱国者只能是热爱中共的革命者。一党专政和仇外的共产党藐视西方自由世界。对那些终于罗马教宗的信徒,中共宣布他们为反革命份子,污蔑他们是披着宗教外衣进行颠覆的阶级敌人和“叛国者”。
早在1950年,为了割断中国天主教与梵蒂冈的关系,中共发起了三自革新运动。即所谓的“自治、自养、自传”。中共先冻结了与梵蒂冈的关系,并于1951年将教廷大使黎培理主教驱逐出境,正式断绝中梵外交关系。随后几年,先拘留和驱逐外国传教士,紧接着就大肆逮捕和监禁中国的主教、神父、修士修女和在俗教友。不久,于1957年七月十五日,中共正式建立了「中国天主教爱国会」,取代三自革新运动。请注意该组织名称中的“中国”二字,它不是“罗马“天主教。这个由中共建立和领导的“爱国会”,虽然它的教堂外貌、弥撒礼仪、教士服的白领,甚至墙上张贴的教宗相片、这一切都类似罗马天主教,但它却是似是而非的教会,不是
真正的天主教会。它是中国共产党的产物,它忠于中国共产党,不服从基督代表罗马教宗。几年前,中共在这个政治工具“爱国会”的纲领 「天主教爱国会工作条例」中的第二条写明:“中国天主教爱国会的目的是,坚决拥护中国共产党的领导,高举爱国爱教的旗帜坚定地实行独立自主自办教会的原则,与政府的宗教事务部门一道,处理宗教事务,实行民主管理教会,努力促进天主教与社会主义社会相适应”。这里毫无提到罗马天主教,与罗马风马牛不相及。
1957年起,凡是拒绝向“爱国会”登记,拒绝否认教宗权威,或者胆敢为教友做弥撒的主教和神父们,全被强加“建立非法组织、进行非法和反革命活动”的罪名。硬说这些行为违犯国家宪法第二十八条,该条规定:“国家维护公共秩序,镇压叛国和其它反革命活动,惩罚一切危及公共安全、破坏社会主义经济和其它犯罪活动,惩罚和改造犯罪份子”。在“无产阶级文化大革命”期间(19661976),对宗教的迫害已达登峰造极的地步。所有宗教活动均被取缔并冠以邪教的罪名。“宗教自由中心”2002年二月十一日发布的“对中国政府七份秘密文件的分析报告”中,揭示了中国政府在许多文件中对“邪教”一词的定义:邪教即指政府所说的“没有向国家宗教事务局登记,也没有加入三自爱国运动的宗教组织和团体。”这分明是政治的定义,而不是宗教的定义。1966年,在中共发动的清洗敌对意识形态的红色恐怖中,中华人民共和国大多数的天主教堂被有恃无恐、肆无忌惮的红卫兵所摧毁。这些红卫兵暴徒在共产党主席毛泽东直接地怂恿下,夜闯民宅洗劫,当众处决“反革命份子”,当时,甚至中共警察对无法无天的红卫兵也惧怕三分。直到1976年九月九日毛泽东八十二岁驾崩为止,他发动的这场清洗浩劫才告暂停。政治学专家鲁道夫(Rudolph Joseph Rummel)称毛泽东是“前无古人后无来者的冷血暴君”。虽然不是他亲手,但是在他的命令下被杀害的人数竟达七千七百万。使杀人两千一百万的希特勒、杀人四千三百万的斯大林都相形见拙自愧不如。在东欧和西欧,大规模的杀戮已经停止,在中国后毛时期,屠杀和清洗已经减缓,但是,镇压宗教信仰的政策仍在强烈地继续着。尽管中华人民共和国宪法第三十六条明确规定,保障“宗教信仰自由”,但这并不意味真正有宗教信仰自由。任何人如果想实行罗马天主教宗教生活,必须向“爱国会“登记,受它监督和宰割,一切活动必须在政府指定的场所进行,蔑视教宗权威, “任何宗教团体和宗教事务不得受外国势力控制”。
共产党对天主教所说的“宗教自由”仅是指中国天主教有脱离和独立于教宗的自由,也就是说,不再是罗马天主教。但是,由于某些苦衷,教廷未曾正式地宣布中国天主教为裂教。在中国大陆究竟有没有信仰自由?哪有那回事!不过,中国的罗马天主教,尽管遭受着持续的镇压和迫害,尽管政府不停地用逮捕、拘留、拷问、监禁、酷刑、强迫劳动,甚至以死亡威胁那些忠于教宗,决不向“爱国会“登记的广大神长和教友们,罗马天主教会不仅顽强地生存着,而且日益繁荣壮大。在1949年,中国大陆仅有三百五十万天主教徒,而现在据保守的估计地下教会的教友已有一千多万。尤其在河北省,尽管位于竹幕后的赤龙脚下,教友的人数十分众多(据说占全国教徒总人数的四分之一),罗马圣教会的葡萄藤在这里真是日新月异,硕果累累。中国首都北京位于保定东北方向约九十英哩,是中共权力的中心。有趣的是,在地图上北京地区的边界线惟妙惟肖地构成了巨龙头形,张着血口直冲保定。
中梵关系要正常化吗?
为什么北京政权企图把它的无神论强加给天主教徒呢?人们不禁推测,中共希望在与梵蒂冈建交前,竭力要把地下教会牢牢地抓在它五星红旗的手中。中共中央
1999 “第26号文件”如是说:“中梵关系正常化为我们提供了解决地下教会势力的良机,如果我们把握这一时机将大部分地下天主教势力纳入我方,转化他们,党中央的重要的战略计划就必然实现这个计划就是:正面斗争,区别对待,转化多数,孤立少数让我国天主教的领导权永远掌握在爱国人士的手中。要区分每个地下主教的不同情况,分别处理,各个击破”。
中共的长期目标是:将非官方的非法地下教会强行纳入官方的,合法的地上教会,独立自主,自办教会;
中共的短期目标是:对地下教会的教区进行“斩首”行动。没有牧人,羊群必会四散。
中共近期的直接目标:逮捕鹿根神父。
鹿根神父于1962年十月十四日生于河北定州一个农民家庭,该农村在保定以南约50。中学毕业后开始寻找生活出路。由于家庭生活困难,他参加了共军,即所谓的人民解放军,做卫生员。白天,他忠于职守,但在夜间他有一种秘密生活:在战友们熟睡后,他利用耳机,一只手压紧耳朵,另一只手拨动收音机的旋钮,静静地收听若干电台的广播。他最爱听的是圣经电台,问题是,收听境外电台是非法的,况且,解放军战士必须是无神论者。但是这种危险丝毫不能扑灭他渴望真理的强烈欲望。他入伍时间不长,他一复员即刻回到本地区,急切地找到天主教地下修道院,几位神父成了他的良师益友。光阴荏苒,于1989年,鹿根君终于晋升品,成为一名地下神父,遂被派往保定市领导和眷顾保定的教友。1997年十月八日,中共公安当局逮捕了保定教区主教苏志民(雅各),苏主教曾在1996年四月在软禁两个月后成功逃脱,被教友们秘密藏在河北辛集市。
苏主教至今杳无音信,生死不明。他今年应是七十三岁。1994年,即在他六十岁之前,他至少五次被中共当局逮捕,累计在监狱和劳改营中煎熬了约二十五年。这就是地下教会主教苏志民(雅各)荣主的一生。现在必须有人步苏主教之后尘,走上基督的圣坛,照料保定的教友。这个人就是鹿根神父。
鹿神父在2006年二月被绑架前不久,据说有三位原是保定教区地下教会的年青神父,被政府召集到北京,会见政府和爱国会官员,酒肉宴席招待,并被奉送礼物和陪同旅游上海等地,一切费用政府买单。他们自北京返回后,便开始公开地做弥撒,并与爱国会神父共祭。这是地下教会不可思议和决不许可的事。拒绝向“爱国会”登记的地下教会的神父们不可能公开和自由地做弥撒,否则面临逮捕的危险。只有那些向“爱国会”登记在册,并同意领取证书的“神父”才能公开献祭。这是一个鲜明的标记,这些人已经易主,从地下教会转入地上官方教会。出于义怒,鹿神父召见这几个人,严肃地批评了他们,明确地指出:“你们做错了,你们受骗了!”
对某些人说来,遭到谴责会刺伤自尊心。另一方面,当局也一再下赌注,期盼有一两位或是三位地下教会的神父倒戈,报复鹿神父,甚至透露出鹿神父在地下教会里的职务和地位。北京当局似乎未如愿以偿。
任意逮捕、酷刑,好似家常便饭
关于鹿根神父的“卷宗”内容相当多。本文下面列出的是从龚枢机基金会网址上(www.cardinalkungfoundation.org) 摘录的一些片段,按年代先后记录了鹿神父因其“非法”的传教活动而遭受的逮捕和迫害的经历:
1990年,鹿根神父第一次被中共当局逮捕,拘押了一个月。这位身高仅五英尺五英寸且瘦弱的年青人受到酷刑对待,昼夜戴着手铐达数日之久。他被殴打,头部和下颌部被严重打伤,牙齿动,数日不能进食。
1994年五月二十三日,他在河北完县邵家庄,为一位中风的老神父谢伯多(伯多禄)做弥撒时再次被捕,不久被释放。老谢神父于几年后去世。中共政府立即将一名“爱国会”“神父”派往邵家庄大教堂,控制那里的一切。这座大教堂是地下教会的教友们出力出钱在老谢神父的家乡盖起来的。
1994年八月二十九日,鹿神父再次被拘押,于当年十月十九日释放。
1998年四月五日是圣枝主日,鹿神父在准备弥撒时又遭逮捕,并押送回他的家乡河北定县拘留,数日后被释放。在教会的任何大的节日之前,如圣诞节、复活节等,中共当局通常都要抓捕神父,因为他们害怕教友聚在一起参加弥撒。他们认为抓了神父就不会再有弥撒。
2001年三月三十一日,复活节前两周,鹿神父在保定被捕,并随即被判处三年劳动教养。由河北省保定人民政府劳动教养管理委员会签发了劳教决定书。龚枢机基金会主席龚民权竟得到了该决定书原件。“这份文件流出中国,我是怎么得到的,无可奉告”龚在电话中对我说,“问题不在于我们如何得到,重要的是事实:中共法律文件证明,只要是地下教会祝圣的神父并开始从事传教工作,他们就会受到三年劳改营侍候。这文件就是证据。我们不知道还有多少神父因为同样原因在劳改营中服刑。
2001)冀保劳字第0436号劳动教养决定书写道:“ 鹿根军,男,19621014日出生,汉族,高中文化,住定州市大鹿庄村,农民。鹿根军曾于19906月、19947月因聚众扰乱社会秩序两次被收容审查,19984月聚众扰乱社会秩序被行政拘留15日。现查明鹿根军有下列非法事实:
鹿根军86年到清苑县学经,于895月被地下主教刘冠东祝圣为神甫。鹿根军的神甫身份未经河北省天主教教务委确认,始终不承认爱国会,拒绝保定教区的领导。98年以来鹿根军多次在定州市王会同村等地搞非法传教活动,严重扰乱了社会秩序。
鹿根军利用地下神父的身份,多次进行非法传教活动,造成较大的影响。根据《国务院劳动教养试行办法》第十条第(五)项、第十三条和《国务院关于将强制劳动和收容审查两项措施统一于劳动教养的通知》(国发「198056号)第一条规定,现决定:对鹿根军劳动教养三年(自2001331日至2004330日止)。
如不服本决定,可在接到本决定之日起六十日内,向保定市人民政府或者河北省劳动教养管理委员会提出申诉。
00一年四月十三日
鹿神父遂被发配到保定市以东约22的河北高阳县劳教所去服刑。这座劳教所是一个农田和工厂的综合体。鹿被分配到厨房做厨师。中国的劳动教养所类似前苏联的“古拉格”和第二次大战中纳粹德国的集中营。2004年三月三十日,鹿神父被解教释放,但不久又被逮捕。
2004年五月十四日,鹿神父和另一位名叫程小力“方济各”的神父,在河北安国县被中共公安人员逮捕。当时他们在那里为为期一日的学习班上发言做准备。据世界几家新闻媒体报导,这个学习班是为天主教年青夫妇举办的,讲授教会的伦理神学和医学角度的自然避孕法知识。但当医务人员尚未到达,学习尚未开始时,公安警察突然出现。他们驱散了教友,逮捕了神父,并冠以“扰乱治安”的罪名,说这次集会未得到中共宗教事务部门的许可。两位神父在河北定县看守所拘押数日后,于五月十八日被释放。程小力是地下教会河北安国教区的一位神父。该教区主教职自1992年以来一直空缺。1992年该教区年已八十岁的主教刘隶芬去世。刘主教被强加反革命罪名在河北省北部的承德市监狱在押期间去世。人们相信,刘主教在死前曾遭受酷刑。前去医院看望主教的亲属和教友证实,当时弥留的主教已无法言语,他的身体上创伤累累,留下酷刑的证据。这就是地下教会一名主教的生与死。
鹿根军神父最近一次被捕后仍杳无音信,他是生是死?这个严峻的问题使成千上万的人牵肠挂肚。

Catherine and Joseph: A Wedding Portrait (excerpt)




A Catholic Love Story in Communist China


by Theresa Marie Moreau
First published in The Remnant Newspaper,
March and April 2007

Deep waters cannot quench love, nor floods drown it. – Song of Songs 8:7

Joseph Ho stooped over his anesthetized patient lying on the operating table, belly up, a crimson-colored abdomen crimped open with hemostats dangling from pinched flesh.
On staff at Regional Administrative Hospital in southwest China, Joseph, a top surgeon at the age of 25, had been on call the night of July 4, 1960, when he had to perform the emergency surgery. That was to be his final night at the hospital, but he didn’t know it, yet.
Just as he located the intestinal blockage in his patient and was preparing to slice away the life-threatening section, Joseph heard the doors of the second-floor operating room slam open behind him.
“Stop the operation,” ordered the hospital superintendent as he entered, followed by two plainclothes officers, cadres from the Public Security Bureau.
Joseph, with scalpel in hand and a bit stunned from the sudden intrusion, looked up and stood back from his patient.
“Take off your gown, and follow these two men to the Public Security Bureau,” the hospital superintendent ordered.
Joseph had no choice. He had to surrender his patient, mid-surgery, to his first and second assistants, who scrambled to take care of the emergency and telephone for a backup surgeon to finish the operation. He put down his surgical instruments, and as soon as he had untied his face mask and removed his bloody gloves and gown, the two cadres pulled his arms behind his back, handcuffed him and led him away.
Minutes later, after a brief jeep ride, Joseph stood before two interrogators.
“Where are we?” one of them asked.
“The Public Security Bureau,” Joseph said.
“What do we do here?” they asked.
“Arrest people,” Joseph said.

勞改營中天主兒女的「愛情故事」 (excerpt)


勞改營中
天主兒女的「愛情故事」
Theresa Marie Moreau
黃崇文

  「洪流不能熄滅愛情,江河不能將它沖去」(雅歌八:7
  何若瑟彎著腰,面向著躺在手術床上已經麻醉了的病人。病人的肚皮向上,在那深紅色劃開的肚子皺起的肌肉上,挾著一把止血鉗子。
  一九六○年七月四日夜晚,何若瑟被叫去作急救手術。他是一位傑出的外科醫生,僅二十五歲,在中國南部一家地區醫院工作。這是他在那醫院的最後一晚,但他自己一無所知。
  他正好找出病人腸子裡的病源,準備切除這段危急生命的腸節時,聽到在他後面那二樓手術室的門砰地被猛推開。
  「停下手術」。醫院主管下令,在他後面跟著兩名公安局的便衣警察。
  若瑟,手握著手術刀,被這突如其來的干擾,愣了一下,下了手術台。
  「脫下你的白袍,跟那倆人到公安局去」。主管用命令的口氣說。若瑟無可奈何,只得把病人交給他的一級、二級助手,他們倉促地接受這任務,立刻打電話呼求後備手術醫生來接應這手術。若瑟放下他的手術用具。當他解下面罩,脫去血淋淋的手套和白袍時,這倆位公安局幹部立刻將他的手臂折向背後,扣上反銬,將他帶走。
  不一會,吉普車載他到公安局,站在倆個審訊員面前。「我們現在在哪裡?」其中一位問他。
  「在公安局」。若瑟回答。
  「我們在裡做什麼?」他們問。